Chapter 239 Three Presidents
Chapter 239 Three Presidents
Following Bai Jinjun downstairs, the other party asked An Rushong three questions along the way, including the next development strategy of NGN Company; the difficulties faced in the company's development process; and what kind of policy support it needs.
Well, regardless of Li Minbo's political stance, and regardless of whether his political methods are dirty and vicious, at least this guy's style of dealing with people is generous enough to make the people who work for him feel more comfortable.
Previously, An Rushong used the pop-up window of NGN software to launch a volunteer action against crude oil spill pollution. At that time, this action was indeed taken away by Li Minbo's campaign team, and An Rushong's status and role were marginalized. But in the final analysis, the person who directly took away this achievement was not Li Minbo or his campaign team, but Councillor Kong.
Now, Li Minbo invited An Rusong to meet him. The issue he was going to discuss was obviously to give An Rusong some rewards, or at least the promise of rewards. As a president who was about to take office, he was already a very good leader if he could do this. Could An Rusong ask for more?
Thinking back over the past six months, An Rushong first worked for Shen Taian, and the old man treated people who worked for him like tools; after that, he worked for Liu Taihe on that chiapa website, and in the eyes of Mr. Liu, he was not even a tool; after that, he followed Nan Xuyu to work for Councillor Kong, and the attitude of Nan Xuyu and Councillor Kong towards him was that of a superior towards a subordinate, which sometimes seemed lenient but was actually very distant.
In short, no matter who they are, these people have a notable characteristic when treating An Rushong, that is, every time they find An Rushong, they tell him what to do, but never ask him what he needs. To put it bluntly, they only want An Rushong to do things for them, but have never considered giving An Rushong something equivalent.
Now, Li Minbo invited An Rushong to meet him. Among the three questions he asked, two were actually asking An Rushong what he needed. This is a gesture and a pattern.
To be honest, based on various things that happened in his previous life, An Rushong's impression of Li Minbo was definitely not good. No, it was not a question of whether he was good or not, but whether he was bad or not.
In An Rusong's eyes, this guy who squinted his eyes all day long was like a wolverine, making people unconsciously want to stay away from him. Most importantly, in An Rusong's previous life, this guy's ending was not very good. The story between him and President Wen had long been spread by people.
But now that he was reborn and had a chance to meet the other person face to face, An Rushong realized that a person who could successfully win the election as president of a country must have his strengths. At least his vision was big enough and his personality charm was strong enough, which was not comparable to people like Councillor Kong.
The room where Li Minbo rested was in a guest room downstairs from the executive lounge. After getting Bai Jinjun's reminder, An Rushong carefully considered these three questions as he walked over.
In fact, it only took about five or six minutes to walk all the way there, and An Rusong couldn't have considered these three issues too comprehensively. However, when Bai Jinjun knocked on the door of the guest room, An Rusong already knew what he should talk to Li Minbo about.
The guest room used by Li Minbo was obviously a luxurious presidential suite. When An Rushong was brought into the living room, he saw two elderly people who looked very familiar sitting on the sofa in the living room, in addition to Li Minbo himself.
Two old men sat on the sofa opposite Li Minbo, one of them had a head full of white hair, and the other was severely bald. An Rusong could recognize that the one with a head full of white hair was named Lu Taiyu, and the one with severe baldness was "Quan Ka Ka".
That’s right, in this living room of only about 40 square meters, there are actually three presidents of the Republic of Korea sitting there at this moment, two of whom have already stepped down and one is about to take office.
Speaking of which, both Lu Taiyu and Quan Kaka have been away from the presidential throne for too many years, and their reputation among the Korean people is simply too bad. They can't be said to be rats crossing the street, but it's almost the same.
But even so, no one dares to underestimate their status and influence in South Korean politics. As mentioned before, they are also a very important faction in the conservative camp headed by the Grand National Party. The so-called Five Republics faction is actually led by them.
Most importantly, almost all the members of the "Five Communist Party Factions" are from the military, and their influence in the military is difficult for ordinary people to estimate. Take Jeon Kaka for example, he has a bad reputation among the Korean people, especially in Gwangju, where no one dares to say good things about him publicly.
However, within the Korean military system, Jeon Kaka is an extremely special existence, because in the history of the Korean military, only when Jeon Kaka was in power did the treatment of soldiers be the best.
Moreover, Quan Kaka is a person with strong personal charm. In his own team, he really has the style of charging ahead and enjoying himself later. To describe it with an old Beijing dialect, it is "the spirit of the game."
Therefore, even now, Jeon and Roh still have a strong influence in the Korean political circle. Yes, historically speaking, South Korea's real democratization began in 1993 when Kim Young-sam came to power and promoted the so-called "civilian government". Before that, whether it was President Park, or Jeon Kaka and Roh Tae-woo who followed him, they should actually be considered military governments.
The progressives in South Korea's political arena today are actually those who overthrew the military government, while the so-called conservatives can be seen as the remnants of the military government. The conflict between the conservatives and the progressives is not only due to political positions, but also historical reasons.
In the past few years, to be precise, from 1993 to 2007, South Korea's political leadership has been completely in the hands of progressives, and the slogans and programs used by the progressives for propaganda are also the rhetoric of democratization, such as "civilian government", "people's government", "participatory government", and so on.
It has to be admitted that in the first few years after the end of military rule and the implementation of direct presidential elections, the public support controlled by the progressives was indeed very high. For a long time, the conservatives could not even get a head start. On some historical issues, such as the characterization of the "May 5.18" incident, the conservatives had to compromise with the progressives.
During this period, as the president of the Fifth Republic and the president of the Sixth Republic, Quan Kaka and Lu Taiyu had to accept the trial of the progressives. Quan Kaka was even sentenced to death. In the end, he had to make some political compromises to seek amnesty from the progressives.
But the bad fact is that most of the progressives who rose up in the movement against the military government are lawyers, and some are student activists. The former do not understand economics, and the latter mostly gained their fame and qualifications through imprisonment. They themselves have low cultural literacy and are also not good at economics.
As a result, in the fourteen years after achieving democratization, South Korea's economic development was slow, during which time it experienced an Asian financial crisis. The entire South Korean economy went bankrupt, and there was widespread misery.
In contrast, the Korean economy developed rapidly during the period before the military government. There was the "Miracle on the Han River" during the period of President Park, and the national income doubled during the period of Jeon Ka-ka. With such a comparison, some people in South Korea, especially the middle-aged and elderly people, naturally began to miss the former glory of South Korea.
After all, to be honest, whether it is a military government or a so-called democratically elected government, for ordinary people, there is actually no difference. Those who can really feel the difference are those with political ambitions. For a country, the vast majority are always ordinary people who are ignorant of everything.
Now, as time goes by, these ordinary people feel the pressure exerted on themselves by the economic downturn, so they begin to shift their focus from democratization to the economy. This is also the most direct reason why the public support for progressives has continued to decline in the past two years.
What was Lee Min-bo's slogan during the presidential election? Yes, he no longer talked about democratization, but talked about pragmatism, shifted the main policy direction to the economic field, and took a vague attitude towards historical issues. His election also shows that Koreans today are no longer concerned about the issue of democratization or not, they are more concerned about the economy.
Under such circumstances, after Li Minbo came to power, he would definitely focus on the economy. At the same time, against the background of vague historical views, he would secretly correct some historical issues that were characterized by progressives in the past. This is also the main reason why the old guard such as Quan Kaka and Lu Taiyu support him.
Li Minbo's meeting with Quan and Lu was obviously coming to an end. When he saw An Rusong being led in by Bai Jinjun, he took off his glasses and wiped them with a glasses cloth. He stood up from the sofa and said, "Okay, my little guests are here, Mr. Rihai and Mr. Yongtang, let me introduce you."
As he spoke, he waved to An Rushong with a smile and said, "Rushong, come here."
An Rushong hurriedly took a few steps forward and came close to him.
"This is the president of NGN, An Rusong, President An," Li Minbo seemed very kind. He patted An Rusong's forearm and said, "During this period, the volunteer action launched to deal with the Yellow Sea oil spill was first initiated by Rusong. He really helped me a lot."
(End of this chapter)